Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team

Bialystok Ghetto Images

2010-01-31T23:22:00Z

www.HolocaustResearchProject.org


A document given to Bronka Winicka - Klibanski, a member of the underground in the Bialystok ghetto, a liaison - courier and partisan in Belorussia. 772 X 800 136 KB	A forged Aryan work document for the courier Tema Schneiderman from Bialystok. 800 X 565 110 KB	A handwritten notice of the Jewish National Committee regarding the defense of the Bialystok ghetto. 800 X 446 137 KB	A section of the fence surrounding the Bialystok ghetto 522 X 577 65 KB

A street sign beside the ruins at the corner of Czestochowska Street in the Bialystok ghetto. 562 X 568 77 KB	Alley in the Jewish quarter of Bialystok 800 X 584 106 KB	An order issued by the German ghetto administration of Bialystok, instructing Poles to turn Jews and Jewish property over to the authorities. 800 X 560 151 KB	Bialystok Ghetto deportations of January 1943 650 X 414 59 KB

Bialystok Ghetto liquidation 15-20 August 1943 800 X 504 97 KB	Breadline in Bialystok. 800 X 478 135 KB	Certificate of residence from the Bialystok ghetto 800 X 563 104 KB	Close view of the wooden fence surrounding the Bialystok ghetto 800 X 497 114 KB

See the full gallery here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/ghettos/bialystokgal/index.html

The Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team

www.HolocaustResearchProject.org

Leni Riefenstahl and the Holocaust!

2010-01-25T17:04:00Z

Leni Riefenstahl

Leni Riefenstahl

Helene Bertha Amalie “Leni” Riefenstahl was born in Berlin on the 22 August 1902 and began her career as a ballet dancer, employed by Max Reinhardt among others, for dance performances in the early 1920’s.

Her father Alfred Riefenstahl was said to have wanted his first child to be a son so that he could carry on the firm that had provided a secure amount of wealth to the Riefenstahl family. However, as the young girl Leni grew into young adulthood, she felt her passions grow in the artistic direction that had been a staple of her mother’s life.

At the age of 4, Leni began to write poetry and paint. Along with this, Leni felt that from a very early age she was an athletic child, due to the behest of her father. At age twelve, she recalled joining a local gymnastics and swim club called "Nixe". It was her mother that noticed that Leni had quite the artistic bent. She perceived that Leni had the ability to paint with a natural understanding of composition and balance, which were two of the profound qualities in the later films of Leni Riefenstahl.

In 1925 she made her film debut as an actress in Der Heilige Berg the first of a series of well photographed movies about the Alps, made by Arnold Franck, the father of the mountain cult in the Wiemar cinema.

Leni Riefenstahl starring in her own directorial debut, The Blue Light (1932)

Riefenstahl became a leading figure of this cult, starring in Franck’s Der Grosse Sprung (1927), Die Weisse Holle vom Piz Palu (1929), Sturm uber dem Mont Blanc (1930) and Das Blau Licht in 1932, which she co-authored and directed for the first time, produced and played the leading role in, winning a gold medal at the Venice Biennale.

Riefenstahl first remembered hearing of the political name of Adolf Hitler around the filming of Das Blaue Licht. However, at this time, Hitler was a large political force in German politics. Riefenstahl attests to a naivety about the political world due to her rigorous and involving filmmaking during Hitler’s political rise that his name had sadly no recognition for her. Yet, Hitler had noticed Leni and her work in Das Blaue Licht along with the earlier Arnold Fanck films and would later call on her and her talents for the Party.

In late February of 1932, she attended one of his election speeches at the excited and overcrowded Berlin Sports Palace. Once again, like at the films, she was struck by the power of this moment that she had to make up her own mind and meet the speaker. She quickly wrote a letter to the Nazi paper "Völkischer Beobachter", in which she requested a meeting with Hitler before she had to leave Germany for a Arnold Fanck shoot in Greenland.

Leni Riefenstahl with Himmler in 1934

In 1933 she made her last film for Franck titled SOS Eisberg, before being appointed by Hitler as the top film executive of the Nazi Party. Hitler saw Leni Rifenstahl as a director who could use aesthetics to produce an image of a strong Germany imbued with Wagnerian motifs of power and beauty.

In 1933 he invited Reifenstahl to direct a short film, Der Sieg des Glaubens (The Victory of Faith), which was filmed at that year’s Nuremburg Party Rally. This film was the template for her most famous work, Triumph des Willens (Triumph of the Will), shot at the Nuremburg Party Rally of 1934.

Leni Riefenstahl, with Adolf Hitler in the background, directs the shooting of a film about the celebration of Reich Party Day. Nuremberg, Germany, 1936

Reifenstahl initially refused Hitler’s commission for the film, but relented when she received unlimited resources and full artistic control for the film. Triumph of the Will, with its evocative images and innovative film technique, ranked as an epic work of documentary film making, and is widely regarded as one of the most masterful propaganda films ever produced.

It won several awards, but forever linked the artist Leni Reifenstahl with National Socialism.

Equally stunning were Reifenstahl’s directorial efforts in Olympia, which captured with haunting effectiveness the images of the 1936 Summer Olympic Games in Berlin. It was for Olympia that Reifenstahl pioneered numerous cinematographic techniques, such as filming footage with cameras mounted on rails. Olympia’s forceful blend of aesthetics, sports, and propaganda again won Rifenstahl accolades and awards, including Best Foreign Film honours at the Venice Film Festival and a special award from the International Olympic Committee (IOC) for depicting the joy of sport.

German magazine cover detailing Riefenstahl's filming of the 1936 Berlin Olympics

By her own account, the advent of the Second World War and the rapid escalation of violence under the Nazi regime had an unfavourable effect on both Reifenstahl and her career. Early in the German invasion of Poland, she witnessed an incident that seemed to shake her confidence in the movement she had glorified in her films.

During the Invasion of Poland, Riefenstahl was photographed wearing a military uniform and a pistol on her belt in the company of German soldiers. she had gone to the site of the battle as a war correspondent. On 12 September 1939 she was in the town of Końskie when 30 civilians were executed there, in retaliation for an alleged attack on German soldiers.

While accompanying German troops near Konskie, the filmmaker witnessed the execution of Polish Jews and this upset her so much, she halted filming and went to Berlin, to seek an audience with Adolf Hitler.

Her distress was short-lived, she was back in the General Gouvernment and filmed the victory parade along the Ujazdowsskie Avenue on the 5 October 1939. The podium where Hitler took the salute was located in front of the Ujazdowski Park near Chopin Strasse.

Leni Riefenstahl directing a scene from the Triumph of the Will

In 1940 Riefenstahl commenced filming on Tiefland (Lowlands), a story set in the Spanish Pyrenees, this was a project she had earlier shelved when persuaded by Hitler to film Triumph of the Will.

Tiefland was filmed on location near Kitzbuhl, Austria, the filming dragged on for nearly four years, in order to enhance the films “gypsy” flavour, 51 young Roma inmates from the nearby labour camp at Maxglan – Leopoldskron were hired as extras by Reifenstahl’s staff.

For the indoor scenes, filmed in Berlin- Babelsberg in 1942, Riefenstahl used as extras at least 66 Roma and Sinti inmates from the Berlin – Marzahn camp for gypsies. Allegations that the German Police returned the gypsies after fulfilling their filming roles, to the Maxglan and Marzahn Gypsy camps, and subsequently deported them to the Auschwitz death camp, were serious enough to involve Reifenstahl in a civil suit.

That legal suit was dropped in 2002 only after her production company retracted a public statement Reifenstahl had made in which she claimed that all of the extras had survived the war. Tiefland eventually was shown in 1954.

In 1944 she married Wehrmacht Major Peter Jacob, but this marriage ended in divorce, and during the 1960’s she developed a life-long relationship with Horst Kettner, who was forty years her junior.

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/holoprelude/riefenstahl.html

The Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team
www.HolocaustResearchProject.org

Copyright Carmelo Lisciotto H.E.A.R.T 2010

The Holocaust in Vilna - Jacob Gens

2010-01-18T15:19:00Z

Jacob Gens

The Holocaust in the Vilna Ghetto

Jacob Gens

Jacob Gens was appointed by the Germans in 1941 to head the Judenrat (Jewish Council) in the Vilna Ghetto. He held this post until Sept 14th, 1943 when he was summoned to the Gestapo headquarters and shot. The Vilna ghetto was completely liquidated 10 days later, this is his story.

Jacob Gens was born in 1903 at the village of Illovieciai in the Siauliai district of Lithuania. to a middle-class Jewish family, the eldest of four brothers.

In 1919, when Lithuania was fighting for its independence, he volunteered to serve in the Lithuanian army, and three years later In 1922 married a non-Jewish Lithuanian woman, and became the father of a daughter. Gens had hoped to transfer to the fledgling Lithuanian air force, but that branch of the armed forces only accepted bachelors. Instead he was sent to the front, joining an infantry regiment in the war against Poland, was promoted to the rank of lieutenant and won a decoration.

He served in the army until 1924, and in the same year he enrolled in Kovno University, earning his living as a teacher of Lithuanian and of physical education in the Jewish schools of Ukmerge and Jurbarkas. Three years later he became an accountant in the Ministry of Justice in Kovno, he completed his university studies in law and economics in 1935.

Jacob Gens as an officer in the Lithuanian army

In July 1940 when Lithuania became a Soviet Republic, he was dismissed from his post. As a Zionist who was close to the Revisionists, Gens feared that he was in danger of being arrested in a campaign that was being waged against anti-Soviet elements, and he moved to Vilna, where he was generally unknown. A Lithuanian friend who headed the municipal health department there helped him obtain work as an accountant in the department.

When the Germans occupied Vilna in late June 1941, his Lithuanian friend appointed Gens director of the Jewish hospital. In the beginning of September 1941, two ghettos were established in Vilna in early September 1941. At first, people were moved into either ghetto at random. 29,000 people were incarcerated in Ghetto 1 and 9,000-11,000 in Ghetto 2. Several days after the Jews had moved in, Ghetto 1 was designated for craftsmen and workers with permits, and Ghetto 2 was to be for all others.

The transfer of orphans, the sick, and the elderly from Ghetto 1 to Ghetto 2 began. Those with work permits moved with their families into Ghetto 1. On 7 September 1941, the day after the ghetto relocation began, a new separate Judenrat was established in each of the two ghettos. Anatol Fried, a former director of the community bank, assembled the new Judenrat for Ghetto 1.

The Judenrat for Ghetto 2 was appointed by SD and Security Police in Vilna and was led by Eisik Lejbowicz. Fried, who had been a patient in the Jewish hospital and thus became acquainted with Gens, appointed him as head of the ghetto police.

Rudnicki Street entrance to the Vilna ghetto

Gens established the Ghetto police force, and made it into an orderly and disciplined body, and the Germans used this force to assist in the Aktionen that took place in the Ghetto from September to December 1941, in which tens of thousands of Jews were murdered. Gens and his police force had participated in the deportation of Jews to Ponary.

Ghetto chronicler Mendel Balberyszski recorded that Gens told him after the so-called "Old People's Aktion" in July 1942, in which some 84 elderly people were murdered:

"I have no connection with the purge of the elderly. It was an old debt which the Judenrat owed them. They wanted several hundred people, and it was with great difficulty that the `price' was reduced to 100 aged…"

On occasions he had stood at the ghetto gate and personally selected those who were to live and those who were to die. In the Gelbschein Aktionen that took place between 24 October 1941 and 3 November 1941, Gens himself had checked the papers of the Jews as they passed before him, three blue cards to one yellow card.

According to other available evidence, Gens, within the framework of his role, did his best to aid the Jews. He became the predominant personality in the Ghetto and its de facto Governor. His direct contact with the German authorities, bypassing the Judenrat, added to his prestige among the Jews in the Ghetto. Gens involved himself in affairs that had nothing to do with the police, employment, cultural activities and other aspects of Ghetto life.

Members of the Vilna ghetto Police

Gens did not easily tolerate autonomous activity within the ghetto. He was especially eager to receive the approval of the intelligentsia for his policies, even when this involved the sacrifice of thousands of Jewish lives. He eagerly accepted the appointment of intellectuals to positions on the Judenrat staff in order to ensure them some sort of livelihood and a modicum of security.

In an attempt to appear not simply a policeman, but an enlightened intellectual, Gens formed a "club" in his home for discussion and debate between a select group of invited guests. Gens' desire to emerge from the war not only as the saviour of the remnant of Vilna Jewry but as custodian of its cultural heritage, continued to the end.

On 15 January 1943, the first anniversary of the theatre's initial performance, Gens said:

"Last year they said that the theatre was just a fad of mine. `Gens is amusing himself.' A year has passed and what do we see? It was not just a fad of Gens. It was a vital necessity… For the first time in the history of Vilna we were able to get a curriculum of studies that was all Jewish… Our care for children has reached a level never seen before in the Jewish life of Vilna. Our spiritual life reaches high…

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/ghettos/gens.html

The Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team
www.HolocaustResearchProject.org

Copyright Carmelo Lisciotto H.E.A.R.T 2010

Part 1 of the Trial of Amon Goeth

2010-01-12T19:22:00Z

The Trial of Amon Goeth

The Indictment -Part 1

Amon Leopold Goeth

A considerable amount of publicity has been directed recently to the trial in Bergen-Belsen of that camps’ commander Joseph Kramer, a professional friend of the accused. This man acquired the nickname “The Beast of Belsen” which illustrated this individual’s behaviour.

I have taken part in these proceedings in Belsen, representing the Government of Poland, and I can testify that in the case of Kramer, not a single incident of murder by Kramer personally, has been proven in court.

This in itself clearly illustrates the comparison of these two professional friends. The “Beast of Belsen” pales into insignificance in comparison to the accused Amon Goeth.

This simple comparison requires special attention, in view of the fact that these proceedings are taking place not just to ensure that the accused is accredited his rightful justice, not only in order to expose the conscience of these Germans, not only to illustrate to the whole world, the real face of Nazism, but primarily, and above all to project the important messages of warning to our future generations.

These present proceedings are the first in the world where the accused is directly charged for mass murder, which apparently became the German customary mode of behaviour in the extermination plan they were following.

In addition, this case is only another link in the chain begun in Nuremberg, in order to create a new world order for peace among nations with penal codes internationally established to punish those who err.

It is totally unnecessary to repeat the definitions of the crimes, as the most important factor in our deliberations will be the defence of human rights, of the individual as such, of a human being who must under no circumstances be violated but defended by every conceivable law, coupled with the conscience of the entire world.

In this code, we will regard with the gravest gravity the crimes against mankind, a crime that is abhorrent to every decent human being, without exception to nationality, religion or race.

This is the primary objective of this case.

Prosecutor Dr Tadeusz Cyprian

First Prosecution Council

Mieczyslaw Siewierski

Mieczyslaw Siewierski

In the framework of the activities of the accused Goeth, in particular his personal and direct involvement in mass murder, however clear, is only but a fragment of the whole matter. In order to recognise fully, understand and appraise the activities of the accused Goeth, it is our duty as prosecutors in this Tribunal, to introduce to you, the whole system of murder, thought out, and introduced by the Germans, into the life of our country.

The full might of these cruel German measures, were directed against the Jewish population. No other nation has been subjected to such crimes, so clearly and directly, as the Jewish nation. The accused Goeth planned the layout of the camp in Plaszow, in such a way to screen the activities within the camp from the outside. All barracks were positioned in order to block the view.

It was common knowledge in the vicinity of the camp, that the murder of the entire population of southern Poland, was the prime objective of the Nazi SS. The Germans were justifying these activities, of progressive oppression and murder of Jews, for no other reason, than because they were Jews, and as such, had no right to live.

The Nazis, had of course plans for the murder of other people as well, these plans were never put into action, in anywhere near the proportions, that have been reached, in the measures against the Jewish population. The extermination program of the Jewish population was executed thoroughly, and swiftly, all over Europe, and it befell upon Poland, to be the recipient of all the corpses followed by the ashes of the victims that have perished.

It is the task of the prosecution, to present to the Tribunal, the complete mechanism of the murderous machine in action. It therefore rightly follows, that every detail be established by experts, which will confirm the chain of command, and the degree of responsibility of the subordinates.

The basic investigations for this purpose have been carried out by the Main State War Crimes Investigation Commission, in conjunction with the Krakow District War Crimes team, dealing with the German atrocities.

Amon Leopold Goeth

In this respect, very thorough investigations have been conducted by the Jewish Historical Committee, it is therefore right, that Mr Borwicz, director of this organisation, be invited to provide expert evidence in these matters, representing the people who suffered the most, due to the activities of the accused Goeth.

I must however, emphasise, that in this case, as the accusing victims, the Polish nation stands side by side, with the Jewish nation, to see that justice be done. Not only because there were countless Polish victims in Plaszow, not only because, with the exception of a few transports of Jews from outside of Poland, who whilst indeed being practising Jews, were nevertheless in every way, rightful citizens of the Polish state, its culture and its traditions.

The prosecution therefore requests, that acting in the name of Poland, the accused Amon Goeth, be tried and sentenced by this Court, in the name of the Polish Republic. In addition, I would request that the name of Mr J. Sowinski be added to the list of witnesses, who is at the moment detained in the prison of Slupsk. The prosecution will prove, that the accused Goeth, allowed himself the murder of Chilowicz and his entire family.

Chilowicz was the Aelteste (Jewish Leader of the Camp) in Krakow – Plaszow. His murder is rather interesting, as Goeth induced Chilowicz to escape, and during this attempt, Goeth personally murdered him and his whole family, taking of course all the valuables that they had in their possession, in order to assist them in the escape. The evidence to this, is also available from Jewish witnesses, who were, during the material time in the camp.

I have asked for the name of Mr Sowinski to be added to the list of witnesses, as only yesterday it emerged that he found himself among the guards of the camp in Plaszow, although of Polish origin, he voluntarily confirmed, that he knew every detail of the escape of Chilowicz, and the subsequent murder of the entire family, at the hands of the accused Goeth.

Following the speeches of the prosecution, there followed addresses by the defence council; Dr Pokorny. First of all on my own behalf, and also on behalf of Dr Jakubowski, I would once again publicly request that we be relieved by the court from the appointed defence of the accused.

The accused Goeth is a German, the accused is a member of a nation that completely without precedent, committed crimes of unheard proportions, with the most serious intention of eliminating whole nations, certainly the citizens of Poland and the Jewish nation in particular.

In view of the fact that we belong to the population directly affected, we feel that the responsibility, and duty of the defence, forces us to suppress our personal views, convictions and feelings. The fulfilling of these responsibilities by us, as Poles becomes extremely difficult and that is the reason we beg the court to be relieved from this task.

Irrespective of this, we did have a conference with the accused Goeth, on the 21^st of this month, and on his request have placed a written request for a specific number of witnesses to be called on behalf of the accused, in order to assist him in his defence.

Pemper on the witness stand at Goeth's trial

Among others, the accused asks for Dr Leon Gross, who is at the moment detained in the prison of Montelupich 7, as well as Mr Biberstein, doctor of medicine practicing in Krakow, No 38 Dluga Str, who will no doubt testify of the sporadic incidents of murder that occurred. The killing affected those who breached the camp discipline, those who were found in possession of firearms or explosives or those who assisted or attempted to escape.

When asked how firearms or explosives could possibly be found in the camp, the accused replied that in the camp, were established tailoring workshops for the repair of army uniforms. Among the uniforms sent back for repair, ammunition, hand grenades etc were very often left by the soldiers. In addition, these witnesses will testify that in the grounds of the camp under his command, sentences of police courts were carried out - sentences of death given by various other police authorities that the accused Goeth could not dispute.

We would also call Mr M. Pemper, who is testify that the accused did breed dogs, not for purposes of cruelty, but simply for breeding. The only time anyone was hurt by these dogs, was when they were not careful when approaching them, or when they ignored notices clearly indicating the danger when approaching their kennels.

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/trials/goeth1.html

The Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team

www.HolocaustResearchProject.org

Copyright Carmelo Lisciotto H.E.A.R.T 2010

Images of the National Socialist German Workers Party

2010-01-08T19:05:00Z

NSDAP Images

www.HolocaustResearchProject

[Next]

[Last]


1922 NSDAP Delegation in Coburg 800 X 512 92 KB	1934 NSDAP rally in Nuremberg 433 X 599 95 KB	A truck of the fascist Nazi party drives through the Prenzlauer Promenade in Berlin - Pankow. 800 X 544 95 KB	Action Reinhard killer Willi Mentz's NSDAP card 700 X 441 83 KB

Adolf Hitler and Joseph Goebbels with Nazi Party officials in 1926 640 X 440 73 KB	Adolf Hitler and other dignitaries at the opening of the Nazi Party museum in the Sterneckerbraeuhaus the Party's first headquarters 706 X 450 63 KB	Adolf Hitler casts his vote at a Berlin polling station set up in a schoolroom. (March 1933) 640 X 443 46 KB	Adolf Hitler leads an SA unit in a Nazi Party parade in Weimar, 1931. 640 X 393 60 KB

Adolf Hitler NSDAP Party Leader 480 X 685 67 KB	Adolf Hitler poses with members of his new government soon after his appointment as Chancellor 640 X 451 54 KB	Adolf Hitler salutes his followers at a Nazi Party rally soon after his appointment as Chancellor. (February 1933). 417 X 450 42 KB	Adolf Hitler speaks to the widow of a Nazi party member who died during the 1923 Beer Hall Putsch 413 X 640 52 KB

See the full NSDAP gallery of images here:

http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/holoprelude/nsdapgal/index.html

The Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team

www.HolocaustResearchProject.org

POLISH FORT-NIGHTLY REVIEW No. 71 Slaughter of the Jews in Poland

2010-01-02T17:05:00Z

POLISH FORT-NIGHTLY REVIEW

London, Thursday, July 1st 1943 Issue No. 71

"Slaughter of the Jews in Poland "

Issue No. 71 of the Polish Fortnightly Review

In this number of the of the Polish Forth-Nightly Review we give two protocols (A. and B.) of statements made by two Jewish women who in the Autumn of 1942 succeeded in escaping from Poland They had lived in Poland continually since the outbreak of the war, and consequently for three years were witnesses of the tragic situation of the Jews in Poland under the German occupation.

Protocol A. gives a picture of the martyrdom of the Jews at various stages of their deportations. Protocol B. gives a typical picture of the position of the Jews over the three years in one Polish town.

The stories speak for themselves, but it must be added that they do not give the full picture. For the anti-Jewish terror and mass murders were only beginning to mount to a climax of horror in the Autumn of 1942, when these witnesses left. Therefore they only deal with the preliminary phase of the mass extermination of which the world has been witness during the last few months.

Protocol A

Agony of the people condemned to death!

Deportation of Jews to Bendzin

The day the war began I was in Katowice, one of the first towns to fall to the German conquest. In the first few days of the war my parents were left homeless. Flight proved useless, for Sosnowiec, to which we escaped was also besieged by the Germans. My parents took with them a large sum of money and jewelry, which enabled them to support the family. When the Germans proclaimed that Sosnowiec was "incorporated" with the Reich and began to persecute the Jews, my father went to Bendzin, where we remained until the middle of 1940.

Meantime my father heard from his cousin at the little spa of Busk that the situation there was not too bad and it would be worth while shifting to that place. In order to get there we had to cross the newly formed frontier line between the "Reich" and the "General Gouvernement." My father found a German acquaintance who for 1,000 zlotys conveyed us all together with our belongings and jewelry, across the frontier in a military car flying a swastika flag. Naturally, no one at the frontier ventured to look inside the car. Thus with my children I arrived as Busk.

Fortunate Busk

We lived in Busk until June, 1942, when the Germans began their terrible persecution of the Jews. But for the time being the situation was tolerable. Our worst experiences were being pillaged by German soldiers and members of the Gestapo and the forced labor instituted for the Jews. But the Jews managed to get through it one way or another.

Everyone in the town knew that the Germans took bribes. The representative of the Jewish population was the former chairman of the town's Jewish community. He was given the position of Hauptmann and became director of all the Jewish councils in the entire district of of Busk in Chmielnik, Dzialoszyce, Pinczow, Wislica, Pacanow, Nowy Czorsztyn, Staszew, Stopnica and other places. He had a· special office in Busk, where he was visited by the members of the various Jewish councils, and he acted as the intermediary to settle all questions with the Landrat and his assistants. I remember him one day feverishly searching for a woman's caraculs coat, which one of the German officials wanted to take with him when he went on holiday to Germany.

Map of the Chmielnik district in Poland

(click text to enlarge)

The Landrat did not intervene at all in Jewish questions. A special department of the Gestapo, and the Sonderdienst; which consisted of S.S. men, issued all regulations concerning forced labor. The regulations came to the Jewish Council, at the head of which was the grey-haired shopkeeper (name withheld). The council consisted of twelve members. We knew three Gestapo officials: Lieutenant Weiss, Dietrich, and another whose Christian name was Hans (I can't recall his surname). This last man was the greatest rogue of all the three. In addition, the head of the Sonderdienst was the gendarme Schwenker. The Gestapo-men and gendarmes I have mentioned were regularly engaged in despoiling the Jews, usually accompanying their acts with a ruthless flogging.

Every Jewish craftsman was forced to carry out work to all kinds of German orders. I knew a bookmaker who was famous in the district as a good craftsman. Although there were good Christian bookmakers in Busk the Gestapo-men always made the Jewish cobbler do their boots. They did not pay for the work, but the Jewish Council settled their accounts. The Germans were delighted with the man's work and were liberal in their praise. When once he faked to get an order finished in time one of his German clients beat him with his riding whip till the blood came. For a long time after the cobbler lay in bed, unable to work.

Every Jew was obliged to report for forced labor. Before the war there were 3,000 Jews in Busk. As the Germans had opened a large military hospital in the town, no refugees were allowed to enter it. Only a few Jewish families from Lodz got into the town illegally. Throughout the entire period there was no ghetto in Busk. The Jews were only turned out of two streets in the centre of the town, and notice boards were set up in these streets:

Jews strictly forbidden to pass through

Often it was necessary to take a roundabout route of nearly a mile in order to avoid these streets, which were renamed after Hitler and Goering. Only the Jewish militia and Jews going to forced, labor had Special passes authorizing them to enter these streets. At first the Gestapo men themselves organized round-ups of Jews, seizing them for forced labor.

A decree issued in Biala Podlaska, dictating not to come in contact or trade with Jews

But Hauptmann T. endeavored to arrange for 'the Jewish Council itself to provide the necessary number of people each day for labor. Every Jew had to present him or her self for labor at least once a week The rule applied equally to men and women. At first 300 persons were taken each day, but later, when many Jews were sent to camps in Wislica and Biala Podlaska, the quota required was increased to 600. In the winter-time they were employed in sweeping away the snow, in the summer they worked in the fields and gardens.

A special squad was sent to clean the closets in the villas occupied by German civil and military officials. Jewish girls were sent to, wash the floors and clean the villas. In the hospital, where there were several thousand wounded from the Russian front, Jews were used for all the heavy work. Jewish militia-men were entrusted with the maintenance of order. It. was difficult to get this position.

Read more here:
http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/nazioccupation/polishforthnigtreviewslaughterA.html

The Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team

www.HolocaustResearchProject.org

Copyright Carmelo Lisciotto H.E.A.R.T 2010

A Survivor recounts his time at the Chelmno death camp!

2009-12-26T17:44:00Z

Chelmno Diary

"Szlamek Bajler recounts his time at Chelmno"

A page from the Ringelblum archive

Szlamek Bajler was a young Jew from the village of Izbica Kujawska, north of Kolo (German: Warthbrücken) and Chelmno (German: Kulmhof), in the annexed "Warthegau". Bajler was arrested in a round-up in Izbica in early January 1942, and forced to work in the Chelmno “Waldlager.”

He witnessed the destruction of most of the 1,600 Jews of his native village, included his own family, about a week later. Five days after the massacre Bajler escaped from the Waldlager. He managed to get to the Warsaw Ghetto where he told his story to Emanuel Ringelblum who urged him to write it down. Bajler did so under the pseudonym Yakov Grojanowski.

It should be noted that there is much confusion about his correct name, some sources claim it was Szlojme Fajner. We have used the name Bajler throughout this account, and in other places on the website.

This is an extract of his account, as contained in the Ringelblum archive:

Bajler and his 28 fellow prisoners were taken in a truck, firstly in the direction of Kolo, it then took the road to Chelmno death camp. In Chelmno the truck waited on the road for about half an hour, then it drove into the palace grounds:

Modern photo of the station at Kolo

Tuesday, 6 January 1942:

“We arrived at 12:30 p.m. We were pushed out of the lorry. From here onwards we were in the hands of black-uniformed SS men, all of them high-ranking Reich Germans. We were ordered to hand over all our money and valuables. After this fifteen men were selected, I among them, and taken down to the cellar rooms of the Schloss (castle).

We fifteen were confined in one room, the remaining fourteen in another. Down in the cellar it was pitch dark. Some Ethnic Germans on the domestic staff provided us with straw. Later a lantern was brought. At around eight in the evening we received unsweetened black coffee and nothing else. We were all in a depressed mood.

One could only think of the worst, some were close to tears. We kissed and took leave of each other. It was unimaginably cold and we lay down close together. We spent the whole night without shutting our eyes. We only talked about the deportation of Jews, particularly from Kolo and Dabie. The way it looked, we had no prospect of ever getting out again."

Wednesday, 7 January 1942:

"At seven in the morning, the gendarme on duty knocked and ordered us to get up. It took half an hour till they brought us black coffee and bread from our provisions. We drew some meagre consolation from this and told each other there was a God in heaven; we would, after all, be going to work.

A transport of Jews in Zawiercie en route to the Chelmno extermination camp

At about 8:30 we were led into the courtyard. Six of us had to go into the second cellar room to bring out two corpses. The dead were from Klodawa, and had hanged themselves. They were conscript grave-diggers. Their corpses were thrown on a lorry.

We met the other fourteen enforced grave-diggers from Izbica. As soon as we came out of the cellar we were surrounded by twelve gendarmes and Gestapo men with machine guns. We got on the lorry. Our escorts were six gendarmes with machine guns.

Behind us came another vehicle with 10 gendarmes and two civilians. We drove in the direction of Kolo for about 7 km’s till turning left into the forest; after half a kilometre we halted at a clear path. We were ordered to get down and line up in double file.

An SS man ordered us to fall in with our shovels, dressed, despite the frost, only in shoes, underwear, trousers and shirts. Our coats, hats, gloves, etc., had to remain in a pile on the ground. The two civilians took all the shovels and pick-axes down from the lorry. Eight of us who weren’t handed any tools had to take down the corpses.

Already on our way into the forest we saw about fourteen men, enforced grave-diggers from Klodawa, who had arrived before us. The eight men
without tools carried the two corpses to the ditch and threw them in. We didn’t have to wait long before the next lorry arrived with fresh victims.

It was specially constructed. It looked like a normal large lorry, in grey paint, with two hermetically closed rear doors. The inner walls were of steel metal. There weren’t any seats. The floor was covered by a wooden grating, as in public baths, with straw mats on top. Between the driver’s cab and the rear part were two peepholes. With a torch one could observe through these peepholes if the victims were already dead.

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/othercamps/chelmnodiaries.html

Images related to the assassination of Reinhard Heydrich

2009-12-21T14:38:00Z

Operation ANTHROPOID Gallery

www.HolocaustResearchProject.org

Read the full story of the Assassination of Reinhard Heydrich [here]

[Next]

[Last]


A document about the preparation of operation Anthropoid 409 X 623 101 KB	A photo of Heydrichs car where it came to a stop during the ambush 448 X 315 27 KB	Another view inside the crypt 400 X 394 52 KB	British communication regarding the success of Silver A mission 686 X 800 77 KB

British Pencil fuses, that had different delay times. 203 X 300 10 KB	British Transport order regarding the flight to drop the parachutists into Czechoslovakia 324 X 448 32 KB	Church of St. Cyril and Methodius 261 X 327 26 KB	Czech Gen. Josef Bily Commander of the Bohemian Provincial Headquarters execution order 262 X 378 22 KB

Czech Military officers University of War Studies half of these men were killed by the Nazis 343 X 236 26 KB	Czech news announcing the arrival of Heydrich as Reichsprotektor 254 X 371 33 KB	Czech parchutists being trained by members of the Scottish Guard 342 X 213 23 KB	Czechoslovak soldiers being inspected by a British General Jan Kubis -1st row,to the left of the British General- and Josef Gabcik -1st row, to the General’s right- 520 X 298 55 KB

See the full image gallery here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/nazioccupation/anthropoidgal/index.html

The Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team

www.HolocaustResearchProject.org

The infamous Korherr Report!

2009-12-14T18:46:00Z

The Richard Korherr Report

*Note: While "The Korherr Report" having been compiled after the vast majority of European Jews had already been murdered, H.E.A.R.T has selected to place this article in the Prelude section as a conclusion to many of the events leading to the genocidal intent and actions detailed herein, perpetrated by the Nazi's and their collaborators. [Some photos added to enhance the text]

Richard Korherr (circa 1978)

On the 18 January 1943 Heinrich Himmler the Reichsfuhrer SS ordered Richard Korherr who was “Inspekteur fur Statiskik” of the SS to produce a report on the Final Solution of the “Jewish Question in Europe.” up to the period of the 31 December 1942.

Richard Korrher undertook this work and on the 23 March 1943 sent a sixteen page report to SS- Obersturmbannfuhrer Dr. Rudolf Brandt, who was on the personal staff of the RF-SS Heinrich Himmler.

On the 9 April 1943 Heinrich Himmler wrote to Ernst Kaltenbrunner the Chief of the SIPO and SD that he found Korherr’s report to be excellent because it could later serve as camouflage, but for the moment he forbade circulation. Himmler wanted in the future to receive short monthly reports concerning the number of Jews evacuated and how many remained.

The next day the 10 April 1943 Rudolf Brandt informed Korherr that his report had been received by Himmler who wished that “nowhere it be spoken of the ‘special action applied to the Jews.’ In the meantime Himmler ordered Korherr to draft a summary of his report “to be presented to Hitler.”

The result was a summary report of six and one half pages addressed to Dr Brandt on the 19 April 1943, which covered the period up to the 31 March 1943

The report produced by Korherr is one of the most damming documents of the whole Nazi period and their brutal policy in pursuit of the destruction of the Jews of Europe. Of particular noteworthy consideration is the figure of 1274166 for the number of Jews passing through the camps in the General Government.

This is the figure quoted by Hans Hofle, the Chief of Staff for Aktion Reinhard controlled by Odilo Globocnik in Lublin. The message sent to SS- Obersturmbannfuhrer Heim, of the BdS office in Krakow dated 11 January 1943 was intercepted by British Intelligence using the replica enigma machine, supplied by the Poles, at Bletchley Park, Buckinghamshire.

Korherr was employed by the West German Ministry of Finance but was dismissed from this post in 1961 following the publicity generated by the book written by Gerald Reitlinger, the “Final Solution” which heavily covered the wartime report drawn up by Korherr.

______________________________________________________________________________________________

The First Korherr Report

Secret Reich Material

-The Inspector of Statistics for the Reichsfuhrer SS

Cover page of the Korherr Report

The Final Solution of the European Jewish Problem

Statistical Report

Contents

l Preface

ll. Jewish Statistics for Germany

III. The Weakness of the Jewish Race

IV. Jewish Emigration from Germany

V. The Evacuation of the Jews

VI. The Jews in the Ghetto

VII. The Jews in the Concentration Camps

VIII. The Jews in Penal Institutions

IX. The Jews involved in Work Projects

X. European Jewish Statistics

I. Preface

The numerical recording of Jewry and its development are necessary for setting up a statistic representation of the results on the way to the solution of the Jewish problem. The contradictions in Jewish figures make preliminary remarks necessary to the effect that the numerical data of Jewry are always to be accepted only with reservations and that lack of knowledge about the origin and source of these data can lead to false conclusions.

Page 1 of the Korherr Report

(in German -click text to enlarge)

The sources of error are above all to be found in the nature of Jewry and its historical development, the many thousands of years of restless wandering, the numerous conversions to and from Judaism, the efforts of the Jews to integrate, the interbreeding with the native populations, the efforts of the Jews to avoid registration and lastly in erroneous or falsely interpreted statistics of Jewry.

However, up to now, partly due to the large degree of overlap between the Jewish religion and the Jewish race, ignorance of racial theory, and partly due to being caught up in the religious thought of the times, Jewish statistics have never been compiled on the basis of race but rather on the basis of religion.

The classification of the race pre-supposes many years of training and knowledge of genealogy. It was also difficult, particularly in southern and eastern countries, despite this overlap, to isolate a homogeneous Jewish race statistically. The avowal of Mosaic or Jewish faith is also no foolproof evidence, because as a result of the former Jewish missionary movement with its conversion of masses of heathens and Christians, also because of changes of faith in modern times via mixed marriages and conversions, there are more than a few people of Jewish faith who are not racially Jewish.

On the other hand compulsory Christianity in the last century and the increase in baptised Jews and non-practising Jews have reduced their number. Thus in 1893 Leroy- Beulieu estimated the loss of Judaism to Christianity to be between four and ten times as great as the present number of adherents to the Jewish religion.

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/holoprelude/korherr.html

The Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team
www.HolocaustResearchProject.org

Copyright Carmelo Lisciotto H.E.A.R.T 2009

The Holocaust Revisited -Men recording their experiences...

2009-12-03T19:57:00Z

Men Record their Experiences of the Holocaust

Hugh Greene

Hugh Greene

Daily Telegraph correspondent in Berlin during 1938

“I was in Berlin at that time and saw some pretty revolting sights – the destruction of Jewish shops, Jews being arrested and led away, the police standing by while the gangs destroyed the shops and even groups of well-dressed women cheering.

Maybe those women had a hangover next morning, as they were intoxicated all right when this was taking place. I found it, you know, really utterly revolting. In fact to a German journalist who saw me on that day and asked me what I was doing there, I remember I just said very coldly, “I’m studying German culture.”

Sigmund Weltlinger

Member of the Berlin Jewish Council

Sachsenhausen – Oranienburg 1938

“But when I came to Sachsenhausen – Oranienburg camp outside Berlin I was immediately taught different. We were all shoved together with clubs and blows and had to stand in even ranks to be counted. Because I had been a soldier I didn’t find that all very difficult but the others who didn’t fall in quickly were beaten immediately.

The most terrible thing was when somebody grabbed hold of a big, strong man and he said, ‘Don’t grab me.’ The guard said, ‘What I shouldn’t grab you?’ and he gave him a blow and this man was immediately over-powered by three SS people.

A block was brought and he was bound fast to it, and the camp commandant said he was sentenced to twenty-five lashes. Then a giant man came, an SS man with a huge ox-whip, and started to beat him. At first the man only groaned a bit but then he begged them to stop.

Dawid Sierakowiak

The commandant said, ‘What do you mean, stop? We’ll start all over again from the beginning.’ But after three more lashes the blood was spurting already and salt was rubbed in the wounds or pepper, I don’t know anymore.

The man was dragged away, unconscious or dead. We never saw him again.”

Dawid Sierakowiak

Lodz Ghetto

September 10 1939

“The first manifestation of the German presence: Jews are being seized to do digging. An elderly retired professor, a Christian who lives in no.11, warned me about going into town, a decent man. What should I do now?

Tomorrow is the first day of school; who knows what’s happening to our beloved school. My friends are all going to attend, just to see what’s going on. But I have to stay home. I must. My parents feel they don’t want to lose me yet. Oh, my beloved school. Curse the times I complained about getting up early or about tests. If only those times could return!”

Avraham Kochavi

Lodz ghetto and Auschwitz survivor

“We ran out of food in the house and one day my mother, may her soul rest in peace, asked me to go down to the bakery and stand there the whole night in order to get a loaf of bread the next day.

I got up in the middle of the night and went down to get in the queue. When I arrived there were already masses of people standing in line. At dawn a Pole, who was volksdeutsche – ethnic German arrived with a rifle slung over his right shoulder, a band with a swastika on his left arm.

He was supposed to keep order so that everyone should receive bread. Among us there were children, non-Jews, Poles, running around. They dragged that same volksdeutsche over and pointed at each person saying, “That’s a Jew, that’s a Jew – Das Jude, das Jude, Jude” – so that these people would be taken out of the line and not get bread.

Zygmunt Klukowski

My turn came. I turned and saw that the boy was a friend with whom I played. I said to him in Polish, “What are you doing?” His answer was, “I am not your friend, you are a Jew, I don’t know you.”

That same German with the swastika band was standing before me. I saw that he was a neighbour of ours and I spoke to him in Polish. His answer was in German: “I don’t know Polish, I don’t know you.”

He forcefully took me out of the line where I was waiting for bread and slapped me.”

Dr Zygmunt Klukowski

Forced Labour Conditions

Szczebrzeszyn

23 July 1940

“The worst consists of digging ditches to drain the marshes. They have to work standing in water. They are really badly fed because their families can rarely afford to send them food.

They sleep in terrible barracks amidst filth – with a complete lack of space. The barracks are several kilometres from the places of work, and they have to walk this distance every day, and are continuously beaten.

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/survivor/men.html

The Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team

www.HolocaustResearchProject.org

Copyright Carmelo Lisciotto H.E.A.R.T 2009

Nazi Plunder! Profiting from the genocide of Aktion Reinhard!

2009-11-28T16:39:00Z

Aktion Reinhard

Profiting from the Holocaust

August Frank at the WVHA trial in Nuremberg

SS- Brigadefuhrer August Frank, one of the heads of the Economic and Administrative Main Office (WVHA) issued an order on the 26 September 1942 to the Aktion Reinhard headquarters in Lublin and to the commandant in Auschwitz, regarding the correct procedure for the treatment and distribution of Jewish possessions and valuables within the extermination camps.

Within the three death camps, Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka the Germans established working commandos to sort and pack the possessions of the murdered Jews to the Reich, in accordance with August Frank’s orders.

Heinrich Unverhau who supervised the storage depot in the locomotive sheds at Belzec testified at his trial:

“SS Sturmbannfuhrer Hering accused me of being a saboteur because of the fact that during the sorting of the clothes that were sent for utilisation in Germany, a yellow Jewish star was found. Some money was also found there. These clothes belonged to Jews who were killed in Belzec.”

"The Frank Memorandum"

Top Secret
6 copies--4th copy
Chief A/Pr./B.
Journ. No. 050/42 secr.
VS 96/42

26 September 1942

To the Chief of the SS Garrison Administration Lublin
To the Chief of Administration Concentration Camp Auschwitz
Subject: Utilization of property on the occasion of settlement and evacuation of Jews.

Without taking into account the over all regulations which are expected to be issued during October, pertaining to the utilization of mobile and immobile property of the evacuated Jews, the following procedure has to be followed with regard to the property carried by them — property, which will in all orders in the future be called goods originating from thefts, receiving of stolen goods, and hoarded goods:

All money in bills of the Reichsbank will be deposited in Account No. 158/1488 of the WVHA in the Reichsbank.
Foreign currency, diamonds, precious stones, pearls, gold teeth and pieces of gold will be transferred to the WVHA for deposit in the Reichsbank.
Watches, fountain pens, lead pencils, shaving utensils, pen-knives, scissors, pocket flashlights, and purses will be transferred to the workshops of the WVHA for cleaning and repair and from there will be transferred to the troops (SS) for sale.
Men’s clothing and underwear, including shoes will be sorted and checked. Whatever cannot be used by the prisoners in the concentration camps and items of special value will be kept for the troops: the rest will be transferred to VoMi.
Women’s underwear and clothing will be sold to the VoMi, except for pure silk underwear (men or women’s), which will be sent directly to the Economic Ministry.
Feather –bedding, blankets, umbrellas, baby carriages, handbags, leather belts, baskets, pipes, sunglasses, mirrors, briefcases, and material will be transferred to VoMi. Payment will be arranged later.
Bedding, like sheets and pillowcases, as well as towels and tablecloths will be sold to VoMi.
All types of eyeglasses will be forwarded for the use of the Medical Authority. Glasses with gold frames will be transferred without the lenses, along with the precious metals.
All types of expensive furs, styled or not, will be transferred to the SS-WVHA. Furs of lesser quality will be transferred to the Waffen-SS clothing workshops in Ravensbruck bei Furstenberg in accordance with Order BII of the SS- WVHA.
All articles mentioned in paragraphs 4, 5,6 or little or no value will be transferred by the SS-WVHA for the use of the Economic Ministry. With regard to articles not specified in the aforementioned paragraphs, the Chief of the SS-WVHA should be consulted as to the use to be made of them.
The prices for the various articles are set by the WVHA. Therefore the price of a pair of used pants will be 3 marks, a woollen blanket – 6 marks. Check that all Jewish stars have been removed from all clothing before transfer. Carefully check whether all hidden and sewn-in valuables have been removed from all the articles to be transferred.

-August Frank

SS Brigadefuehrer and Brigadier General of the Waffen SS

Oskar Deigelmann a Reichsbahn official recalled a visit to Belzec:

Jews photographed upon arrival in Belzec

“As a controller I was responsible for ensuring the track was in good condition and in particular that the train ran smoothly. During a visit to the station at Belzec the supervisor, a Secretary or Senior Secretary from Thuringen, informed me that he was having a lot of problems with the SS, who were stationed near the wood.

Some time later I myself saw and had a word with a number of SS people in the waiting –room at Belzec. When I inquired, they told me that they were not members of the SS but they had merely been given these uniforms. As they described it, most of them came from lunatic asylums or nursing homes in the Reich, where they had been involved in the killing of the mentally ill.

I would like to say that one day the full significance of Belzec camp became clear to me when I saw mountains of clothes of all types behind our locomotive shed. There was also a large number of shoes there, as well as jewellery and other valuables.

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/economics/profitingfromAR.html

The Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team

www.HolocaustResearchProject.org

Copyright Carmelo Lisciotto H.E.A.R.T 2009

Richard Glucks as described by Rudof Hoess

2009-11-24T17:22:00Z

Richard Glucks

As described by Rudolf Höss

Richard Glucks Biography

Richard Glucks

Richard Glucks was born on the 22 April 1889 and he served as an officer in World War One and joined the Nazi Party relatively late. Nevertheless, he was an SS Brigadier General before the start of the Second World War, and was appointed Inspector of Concentration Camps in autumn 1939.

From 1942 on, the Concentration Camps Inspectorate formed one of the four large divisions of the WVHA with a broad purview. Glucks had authority over all the Camp Commandants and was the person who gave the monthly orders for carrying out the “Final Solution” and “extermination through labour.”

Thus, Glucks was one of the key figures of the concentration camp system. Together with Himmler and Pohl, he decided how many of the deported Jews were to be killed and determined that the hair of the murdered people was to be collected and made into “hair-yarn stockings for U-boat crews and hair-felt stockings for the railroad.”

In 1943, Glucks was promoted to Major General of the Waffen –SS. After the end of the war, in May 1945, he is thought to have committed suicide in the Flensburg Naval Hospital, where he was supposedly being treated for a shock he had suffered in a bombing.

SS Gruppenfuhrer Richard Glucks was the second Inspector of Concentration Camps

“Glucks originally came from Dusseldorf and had spent several years before the First World War in the Argentine. When war broke out he got through the British control by smuggling himself on board a Norwegian ship and eventually reported for military service.

He served throughout the war as an artillery officer, after the war he was appointed a liaison officer with the armistice commission, and later on joined a Freikorps in the Ruhr district. Up to the time when Hitler assumed power, he was engaged in business activities.

A Freikorps unit operating in the Ruhr District

Glucks was one of the early members of the Party and the SS. In the SS he first spent some years as a staff officer in the Senior Sector West, after which he commanded a regiment of the general SS in Schneidenmuhl. In 1936 he joined Eicke as a staff officer on the Concentration Camp Inspectorate.

Gluck’s attitude of mind was that of the typical office worker who has no knowledge of practical matters. He imagined that he could direct everything from his office desk. Under Eicke, he scarcely made his presence felt in connection with the camps, and the occasional visits which he paid to individual concentration camps, in Eicke’s company, had no practical effect on him, for he saw and learnt nothing.

Nor had he any influence with Eicke in this connection in his capacity as staff officer, for Eicke handled these matters himself, mostly through personal contact with the commandants during his inspections of the camps.

But Eicke held him in great esteem and Gluck’s opinions on questions dealing with personnel were practically decisive, to the disadvantage of the commandant’s staff. Various commandants had repeatedly tried to cold-shoulder Glucks, but his status with Eicke remained unassailable.

Theodore Eicke (pictured left)

On the outbreak of war, as I have already stated, the active service guards were transferred for military duties and their places were taken by reservists from the general SS.

In addition, new formations of the Death’s Head units were built up from the younger age groups, which were intended at first to be used for strengthening the police and as occupation troops. Eicke became ‘General Inspector of the Death’s Head Formations and of the Concentration Camps,’ with Glucks as his chief of staff.

When Eicke was given the job of building up the Death’s Head Division, the general inspectorate of the Death Head formations was taken over by the administrative office of the Waffen-SS under Juttner and Glucks became Inspector of Concentration Camps and also subordinate to the administrative office (later the headquarters office) of the Waffen-SS. In 1941 the Inspectorate of Concentration Camps became incorporated in the Economic Administration Head Office as Department D.

The Reichsfuhrer SS never had any particular confidence in Glucks and had often considered employing him in a different capacity. But Eicke and Pohl always warmly supported him, and so he retained his position as Inspector.

Read more here: http://www.holocaustresearchproject.org/holoprelude/glucks.html

The Holocaust Education & Archive Research Team
www.HolocaustResearchProject.org

Copyright Carmelo Lisciotto H.E.A.R.T 2009